Child Abuse in the Hare Krishna
Movement:1971-1986
E.
Burke Rochford, Jr. with Jennifer
Heinlein
[continued]
Apart from encouraging and justifying corporal punishment, religious
ideas have also been used by parents and religious institutions alike to
‘cause emotional pain’ by tormenting children through the excessive
use of shame and fear (Capps 1992:7
9).
The latter researcher concludes that ‘religious ideas might be as
abusive as physical punishment for children’ (1992:8).7
When the average person reflects on child abuse and religion today he or
she is likely to identify sexual misconduct by religious officials,
particularly on the part of Catholic priests (Berry 1992; Jenkins 1996,
1998). This is largely
because sexual misconduct by Catholic priests has received widespread
media coverage in the USA and world-wide (for a review, see Jenkins
1996:53
76,
1998). Yet, child sexual abuse by clergy is hardly limited to Catholicism
(Isely and Isely 1990). The
most often quoted survey dealing with sexual problems among Protestant
clergy found that 10 percent were involved in sexual misconduct of one
sort or another, and that ‘about two to three percent’ were
paedophiles (Rediger 1990:55, quoted in Jenkins 1996).
This rate is equal to or perhaps even slightly higher than for
Catholic priests (Jenkins 1996:50).8
While the sexual abuse of children is troubling, it becomes doubly so
when religious figures are involved.
After all, clergy are viewed in most religious traditions as God's
ordained representatives, this comprising the very basis of their
religious authority. In cases
of clergy sexual abuse, religious authority is directly or indirectly used
to exploit children, and to cover it up.
Clergy who sexually abuse children are often able to escape
disclosure, because their status as religious figures shields them from
accusations of abuse (Barry 1992; Bottoms et al. 1995).
Allegations made by a child concerning clergy sexual misconduct are
likely to be ignored, or dismissed as fabrication by parents and other
adults (see for example, Barry 1992).
Clergy sexual abuse of children, in significant respects, parallels
familial incest because it is ‘often characterised by the same guilt,
betrayal of trust, and shame . . .’ (Bottoms et al. 1995:90; also see
Blanchard 1991:239
240).
It is thus hardly surprising to find allegations of clergy sexual
misconduct being made by adults victimised as children.
As one might expect, sexual abuse by religious authorities is especially
damaging to victims. One
study concluded that abuse by religious authorities ‘is as
psychologically damaging, and perhaps more damaging, than even the
violently physical abuses of parents whose religious beliefs led them to
view their children as evil incarnate’ (Bottoms et al. 1995:100).
Children molested by religious authorities often suffer from depression,
suicidal ideation and affective disorders (Bottoms et al. 1995:99).
Moreover, it is not uncommon for those sexually abused by clergy to
change religions, or more likely still, to repudiate religion altogether
(Bottoms et al. 1995:99). Such
an outcome appears even more likely when clergy sexual misconduct is
hidden or otherwise covered-up by the church hierarchy.9
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